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The twilight of Nicola Sturgeon: J.K. Rowling reviews “Frankly”

Index ID: TNS — Publication date: August 14th, 2025

Note: Published on JK Rowling's official website.

I know I’m stating the obvious, and I’ll probably be one of countless reviewers making the same point, but it’s impossible to read Nicola Sturgeon’s memoir without remembering the smash hit fictional franchise, Twilight by Stephenie Meyer. For those who don’t know (ie, everyone who wasn’t a tween or teenage girl, or living with one, 2005-2015), Twilight was massively popular for roughly a decade, each new book or film being greeted adoringly by its devoted fans.

The heroine of Twilight, a shy, awkward, bookish girl, moves to a small, rainswept town called Forks to live with her single father. In doing so, she unknowingly takes her first step towards a staggeringly unlikely future nobody could have predicted.

The heroine of Frankly is also a shy, awkward, bookish girl who lives in a small, rainswept town. About to turn seventeen, she approaches a bungalow in Dreghorn, knocks on the door of the SNP candidate for her constituency, and asks if she can help with canvassing.

‘I don’t yet realise it but in this moment the course of my life will be set. Everything that has gone before has been leading me here.’

These are Sturgeon’s words, but they could just as easily be Bella Swan’s, for both shy, insecure teenagers have dates with destiny. Nicola Sturgeon will one day become First Minister of Scotland. Bella Swan will join the ranks of the undead.

Like all well-rounded characters, Bella Swan has flaws. She’s clumsy and accident-prone, traits that only make her more dorkily loveable, and give sexy, brooding vampire Edward Cullen pretexts to alternately scold and rescue her, which he does on repeat through four books and five film adaptations.

Sturgeon talks quite a lot about becoming a well-rounded person in Frankly, usually in the context of regretting that she wasn’t one in her hyper-ambitious youth. She admits that she, too, has flaws: lack of confidence, fear of failure, and a heart that simply cares too much. The epigraph of her memoir is a quotation from Eleanor Roosevelt: ‘Do what you feel in your heart to be right – for you’ll be criticized anyway.’

Just as Bella’s propensity for accidents doesn’t stop her riding motorcycles, jumping off cliffs or choosing to meet evil vampires for a spot of unarmed combat, Sturgeon’s alleged imposter syndrome and constant crises of confidence don’t prevent her admitting to ‘the raw talent I had for politics’, or that ‘I certainly wasn’t lacking in ability’, that ‘far from being the weak link, I was seemingly the star attraction’, ‘it all added to the sense that I had the Midas touch’ or that ‘there is no doubt that I was a massive electoral asset.’

This bombast is likely to shock some of my liberal London friends who’ve frequently told me, especially during the pandemic, how lucky I was to have such an an earnest, down-to-earth leader in charge. They, of course, were subject to the whims of the then prime minister Boris Johnson, who could have been replaced with three ferrets in a sack and the only change would have been a slight increase in decisiveness and gravitas, so, to them, Sturgeon seemed a paragon of sober governance, treating Scotland to almost nightly presidential-style podium appearances in which she delivered admonitions with an appropriately dour countenance.

Her English fans can’t be expected to know about every single clusterfuck over which the supposedly competent Sturgeon presided, and they certainly won’t find out about them from Frankly. The mysteriously vanished government WhatsApp messages from the pandemic, the tanking educational outcomes, the CalMac Ferry disaster, the disappearance of a half a million pounds of her own supporters’ money that was supposedly ringfenced for a new independence referendum: you’ll search in vain for candid accounts of these in Frankly; indeed, most aren’t mentioned at all. Perhaps the most disgraceful omission – and I’ll admit to a personal interest here, because I’m married to a doctor who used to run a methadone clinic, so saw the national scandal up close – is the fact that Scotland continues to lead the whole of Europe in drug deaths.

The truth is that Sturgeon, like Bella Swan, is a monomaniac. Both are consumed by a single, overriding ambition. In Nicola’s case, it’s independence for Scotland. In Bella’s, it’s having loads of hot sex with Edward Cullen without getting accidentally killed. Spoiler alert: only one of these ambitions is realised.

I doubt many No voters are going to be won over by Frankly. This is partly because Sturgeon doesn’t make a single argument for Scottish independence we haven’t heard a thousand times, but mostly because of the quite extraordinary obtuseness she displays in talking about the referendum of 2014.

‘Much has been written since the referendum about how unpleasant and divisive it was. My experience… was the opposite of that characterisation.’

No shit, Nicola. You, surrounded only by adoring nationalists, flying between public meetings in a helicopter bearing a large image of your own face, enjoying police protection and all the excitement of potentially bringing about your life’s ambition, enjoyed the referendum? I’m amazed.

Both Sturgeon and her predecessor, Alex Salmond, made great play back in 2014 about how very different their nationalism was to the nasty kind – you know, the racist, get-the-immigrants-out, thuggish sort you find in other, lesser countries. Scotland, they asserted, breeds a kinder, better type of nationalist. You get all the good stuff – an upsurge in national pride, a flowering of native culture, a people once more embracing self determination – without the slightest echo of jackboots.

Oddly, this message didn’t resonate too well with No voters who were being threatened with violence, told to fuck off out of Scotland, quizzed on the amount of Scottish blood that ran in their veins, accused of treachery and treason and informed that they were on the wrong side of, as one ‘cybernat’ memorably put it, ‘a straightforward battle between good and evil.’

Even while conceding she possibly ‘didn’t make enough effort at the time to appreciate what it was like for those on the other side’, Sturgeon’s final analysis of the referendum is that ‘the contest was, in the main, positive and good-natured.’ This is an excellent example of a recurrent feature of Frankly: Sturgeon acknowledging that she could – maybe, perhaps, just possibly – have done something a teeny bit better, then awarding herself an A-.

In 2014 Sturgeon wasn’t yet First Minister, and in those days I felt some non-partisan admiration for her as a woman successfully navigating the male-dominated power structure at Holyrood. Sturgeon talks a lot in Frankly about the sexist expectations and assumptions made about women in the workplace and by the media, about the sexualised insults thrown women’s way by men, about being physically intimidated while out canvassing and about the disdain for women she’s encountered in men of the hard left. I have personal experience of all of this.

Yet Nicola Sturgeon’s obtuseness runs far deeper than an inability to truly step into a No voter’s shoes. When your belief in your cause is so deeply rooted that there is literally no evidence that could shake it, it has become religious, and opposition will inevitably come to be seen, not as rational disagreement, but as a fundamental moral failing.

Seventeen is the age when you’re supposed to believe in things that seem barking mad to less special, more cynical people – astrology, Jeremy Corbyn, devoting your life to a very sexy vampire. Adults, though – especially adults with the power to remove protections from over half the population – surely we’re allowed to expect them to do the critical thinking and look at the facts?

Notwithstanding all the ruminating on sexism and misogyny Sturgeon does in Frankly, always as it affects her personally, she is unshakeable in her belief that if men put on dresses and call themselves women they can only be doing so with innocent motives. Sturgeon hasn’t been remotely humbled by the Supreme Court ruling that proved her government was forcing a misinterpretation of the UK-wide Equality Act on Scotland, one that robbed women of many single sex spaces and of their very existence as a definable class with rights protected in law. She remains stubbornly wedded to her belief that it is possible to let some men into women’s spaces on the men’s say so, without letting any man who fancies it come inside. She denies there are any risks to a policy of gender self-identification. She can’t imagine any male predator capitalising on such policies, in spite of the fact that it has, demonstrably, happened many times. She is flat out Trumpian in her shameless denial of reality and hard facts.

She asks in Frankly what my intentions were, in posting a picture of myself online wearing a T-shirt bearing the words: Nicola Sturgeon, Destroyer of Women’s Rights. She says this was a turning point that changed everything and made her afraid for her physical safety.

Eleven years ago, when she and I found ourselves on opposite sides of a different public debate, I didn’t hold her accountable for all the threats I received from nationalists, nor for the porn her supporters circulated, with my face pasted onto a naked actress’s body. As the gender wars have raged, I have not accused her of emboldening the kind of ‘activist’ whose threats against me have twice necessitated police action.

What were my intentions in posting the picture? I hoped journalists would use it as a pretext to confront the First Minister with questions she’d so far either refused to answer, or treated with contempt, when non-famous women asked them. I knew for a fact that grassroots feminists had clamoured to meet her – I was friends with some of them, which is how I got the T-shirt. All-female policy groups had attempted to show Sturgeon the data on risks of letting men self-identify into women’s changing rooms, bathrooms, rape crisis centres and domestic abuse shelters, to no avail. She’d dismissed all of them as unworthy of her time and attention.

Sturgeon tells us in Frankly that she wants to eradicate misogyny directed at women in the ‘public sphere’, ie, famous people like her and like me, who’re sent sexualised threats and insults. ‘Sphere’ is an interesting word, isn’t it? So very close to ‘bubble.’ While Sturgeon is focused on making sure no hurty sexist words penetrate hers, she’s entirely dismissive of the harms done in actual physical spaces, where she expected nurse Sandie Peggie to deal with a heavy menstrual flood in front of a cosplaying man, and vulnerable female prisoners to accept being incarcerated with trans-identified male sex offenders. The First Minister, with her police protection, her carefully monitored official residence and her chauffeured car just couldn’t see what these bigots were making a fuss about.

But then Isla Bryson burst into the news. Bryson, a convicted double rapist, had decided he was a woman and would rather be incarcerated with the sex against which he’d already committed the most male of crimes. When asked on television whether bald, blonde wig-wearing Bryson was a man or a woman, the First Minister, whose composure and articulacy under fire had, for years, been her most potent political asset, made herself look – and forgive me for employing a PR term here – a complete fuckwit.

Of course, the blame for her looking like a complete fuckwit lies with others. Nobody had warned her about Bryson, you see. She apparently had no idea that the very thing feminists had warned her was likely to happen, and had already happened – trans-identified man Katie Dolotowski had already sexually assaulted a ten-year-old girl in a public bathroom, and served his time in a women’s prison in Scotland – would happen again. She explains in Frankly that she was worried about the impact it would have on trans people if she denied Bryson was a woman.

Therein lies the problem in the smallest of nutshells. If you’re prepared to accept the foundational falsehood that some men are women, you’ll inevitably find yourself panicking like a pheasant caught in headlights one day, because to admit that even a single man who says he’s a woman isn’t means the whole edifice of gender self-ID collapses.

Does Sturgeon show any humility about this in Frankly? Come now – you know our heroine better than that. Far from apologising or reconsidering, she took to television once more and spoke the words she omits to include in her memoir, but that damned her forever among the women who’d fought hard against the authoritarian, misogynistic climate she’d done so much to foster.

‘There are people who have opposed this bill [the Gender Recognition Act] that cloak themselves in women’s rights to make it acceptable, but just as they’re transphobic you’ll also find that they’re deeply misogynist, often homophobic, possibly some of them racist as well.’

This was Sturgeon’s ‘basket of deplorables’ moment, the quote that will – and should – be forever attached to her political legacy. Those words fell out of her mouth so easily and fluently they must have been either long suppressed or previously rehearsed, and in speaking them, she demonised and stigmatised not only women in her own party who’d believed in her integrity and worked hard to get her elected, but female survivors of sexual trauma, women with disabilities wanting same-sex care, lesbians asserting a right to associate without straight, cross-dressing men, everyone concerned about safety, privacy, fairness and dignity for girls, and regular women fighting not to be erased in law as a definable class with issues and needs specific to those with female anatomy.

And so to the three hundred thousand pound question: is Frankly a good read? Honestly, only if you find Nicola Sturgeon so fascinating the dull details of her political decision-making intrigue you, and are prepared to accept all her special pleading. The biggest impediment to enjoyment is that Sturgeon, like Bella Swan, has a complete void where a sense of humour should be. Bella’s best attempt at a witticism in Twilight is when she says, in answer to a query as to why she isn’t tanned, ‘my mother is half albino’. The only time Sturgeon makes what I think is supposed to be a joke is when she says of a teenage boyfriend, ‘His nickname was Sparky (he wasn’t an aspiring electrician).’

Most of the time, Frankly reads like a PR statement that’s been through sixteen drafts. The best anecdote is on page 120, when Sean Connery teaches Sturgeon an acting trick to lower her voice. But if you’re looking for a more scintillating read, I recommend The Women Who Wouldn’t Wheesht – especially if you want the real low down on the dystopian nightmare Sturgeon’s gender beliefs have imposed on Scottish women.

Of course, I might be missing the point. Maybe Frankly isn’t supposed to entertain, but to serve as what is sometimes called a CV distinguisher? Its author has expressed a fervent wish to escape the confines of Scotland, and is still young enough that a cushy sinecure with UN Women would be welcome. I hear a penis isn’t a prerequisite for absolutely all the women’s posts they hand out like candy.

Like vampires who attempt to blend in undetectably with regular humans, successful politicians must understand the public mood, if only to mimic or manipulate it. Neither group can afford to slip out of touch with the real-life concerns of normal people. The lifeblood of politics is connection, feigned or sincere. You have to understand, or pretend to, the hopes and fears animating the populace you’re supposed to be serving.

If, like gorgeous, muscular-chested Edward Cullen, you’re a Good Vampire – an ethical hunter determined to do no harm to humans – you won’t sneer at ordinary mortals’ well-founded instinct for danger. You won’t persecute women for being afraid, or for wishing to defend themselves. You’ll be self-aware enough to know that you have powers and protections they don’t.

By this standard, Nicola Sturgeon, unlike the eventually undead Bella Swan, isn’t a Good Vampire at all. She’s caused real, lasting harm by presiding over and encouraging a culture in which women have been silenced, shamed, persecuted and placed in situations that are degrading and unsafe, all for not subscribing to her own luxury beliefs.

So I’d like to suggest a more fitting epigraph for Frankly, one I feel represents its subject’s career far better than the words of Eleanor Roosevelt. Spoken by a solipsistic fictional teenager, but just as appropriate coming from the mouth of an arrogant woman of fifty-five who continues to believe the problem is always the wicked enemies who refuse to view matters her way:

Sometimes I wondered if I was seeing the same things through my eyes that the rest of the world was seeing through theirs. Maybe there was a glitch in my brain.

Stephenie Meyer

Twilight


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Lumos 20th Anniversary

Index ID: LUMOS20 — Publication date: February 27th, 2025

Note: Part of the press release and marketing piece to announce the 20th annniversary of Lumos.

I’m truly proud of what Lumos has achieved in twenty years. I felt compelled to set up the charity after reading the newspaper article which brought to life the horrors experienced by children separated from their families and raised in harmful institutions. Lumos has now helped to ensure thousands of children have grown up in safe and loving families with the care they need and deserve. There is more to do though, so we remain relentlessly ambitious for children and for Lumos’ next chapter.


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Statement about Harry Potter Series Creative Team

Index ID: SCTHPTV — Publication date: June 26th, 2024

Note: Published on Twitter: https://x.com/jk_rowling/status/1805968567034069278

I’m truly thrilled to announce our director and writer, both of whom I interviewed as part of the production team. Both have a genuine passion for #HarryPotter, and having read Francesca’s pilot script and heard Mark’s vision, I’m certain the TV show will more than live up to expectations.


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Labour has dismissed women like me. I’ll struggle to vote for it

Index ID: LDW — Publication date: June 21st, 2024

Note: It was published on June 21st, 2024, on The Times website.

Keir Starmer has failed to convince me that his party has changed its position on the rights of women — it struggles to say what a woman is at all.

On Thursday evening, I went to the best book launch I’ve ever attended, and I’m including all of the Harry Potter launches, crazily memorable though those were. This one took place in a large, old, wood-panelled room in the middle of Edinburgh, and the evening was so warm the windows were open, so we could hear the distant strains of bagpipes from the Royal Mile.

I’d arrived straight off a plane from London, and when I got into the room I thought “damn, of course,” because most of the women there were wearing the suffragette colours: green, purple and white, and I was head to toe in black jumper and trousers, like a mime, which was ironic given what we were there to celebrate.

This was a belated, post-publication party for The Women Who Wouldn’t Wheesht, the book of essays to which I contributed, and which came out last month. “Wheesht” is a Scots injunction to be quiet: “haud your wheesht” means “hush!”

The book has contributions from 30 or so problematic Scottish females who didn’t agree with the former first minister Nicola Sturgeon’s vision of a country where a man could become a woman simply by declaring himself one.

Among the writers were politicians, journalists, activists and policy analysts. However, many contributors have no public profile. Some had written their essays anonymously.

I can’t use the word “ordinary” for the latter women, because they’re about as far from “ordinary” as you can get. These are the women who risked (and in some cases, lost) their livelihoods by standing up against an ideology embraced by Scottish politicians, state institutions and by the police.

There were speeches, a lot of cake and laughter, hugs for those who’d never met in person, and a feeling of delight and celebration that the book had been such an unexpected success (it caught the publisher off guard, as he admitted at the party; there have been several reprints already).

The women there were so funny, so brave, so determined; I don’t think I’ve ever felt as much solidarity in a room, a solidarity that stretched across party divides. I still felt elated and inspired when I got home.

On entering my sitting room, I found my husband watching the leaders’ debate on TV and I reached the sofa just in time to hear from another woman who didn’t fancy hauding her wheesht.

“Three years ago,” the woman in the studio audience said to Keir Starmer, “you criticised your MP Rosie Duffield for saying ‘only women have a cervix’. You recently backtracked on this. What do you believe now, and how do we know that you will stick to your views?” Ah, Cervixgate. I remember it well. It was September 2021 and I was sitting at my kitchen table reading over the chapter I’d finished the day before. The TV was on in the background, my husband was making toast, and I thought I must have misheard what the Labour leader had just said, so I reached for the remote. I rewound the programme and replayed his answer, then rewound and replayed it again.

I really wanted to give him the benefit of the doubt, you see. I’ve been a Labour voter, a member (no longer), donor (not recently) and campaigner (ditto) all my adult life. I want to see an end to this long stretch of chaotic and often calamitous Tory rule. I want to want to vote Labour. But I hadn’t heard Starmer wrongly. When asked whether he agreed with Rosie Duffield that “only women have a cervix”, he’d responded, “well, it is something that shouldn’t be said. It is not right.”

If you’d catapulted me forwards in time from 1997, the year Labour last succeeded in ending a long stretch of Tory rule, and told me their male leader would appear live on television, dictating what women were allowed to say about their own reproductive systems, I’d have had no frame of reference by which to understand what would have seemed an utterance of outright lunacy.

Unfortunately, by 2021, Starmer’s answer had to be seen in the context of a Labour Party that not merely saw the rights of women as disposable, but struggled to say what a woman was at all.
Take Anneliese Dodds, the shadow secretary for women and equalities, who, when asked what a woman is, said, it “depends on what the context is”. Take Yvette Cooper, the shadow home secretary: “I’m not going to get into rabbit holes on this”; Stella Creasy, Labour candidate for Walthamstow: “Do I think some women were born with penises? Yes … But they are now women and I respect that.”’; Emily Thornberry, the shadow attorney-general: “Women who are trans deserve to be recognised, and yes — therefore some of them will have penises. Frankly, I’m not looking up their skirts, I don’t care.” Dawn Butler, the former MP for Brent Central, actually announced on TV that “a child is born without sex at the beginning” (I choose to believe she meant the lesser of two insanities here: a sex, not that children really are delivered by stork.)

Some of this is almost funny, but loses its humour when real-world consequences of gender ideology arise. When asked whether violent sex offenders who transition should be rehoused in women’s prisons, Lisa Nandy, the shadow secretary for international development, said: “I think trans women are women, I think trans men are men, so I think they should be in the prison of their choosing.”

Rebecca Long-Bailey, the candidate for Salford, said female victims of male violence shouldn’t use their trauma “as an argument to discriminate against trans people” and vowed to change laws to stop women’s refuges excluding men who identify as women.

David Lammy, the shadow foreign secretary, called women like me “dinosaurs hoarding rights”. Lammy, too, has form on the vexed question of cervixes: “A cervix, I understand, is something you can have following various procedures and hormone treatments.” It’s very hard not to suspect that some of these men don’t know what a cervix is, but consider it too unimportant to Google.
So, there I was, on the edge of my sofa seat on Thursday night, waiting to hear Starmer clarify his views on an issue that places many left-leaning women on the spectrum between anger and disgust at his party’s embrace of gender identity ideology. Did he still maintain that women and cervixes ought not to be mentioned together?

“On the biology,” Starmer began, “I agree with what Tony Blair said the other day, in relation to men having penises and women having vaginas.”

“So you’ve changed your position?” asked the moderator. “On the biology,” emphasised Starmer, leaving the impression that until Tony Blair sat him down for a chat, he’d never understood how he and his wife had come to produce children.

“That doesn’t help on the gender… some people don’t identify with the gender they’re born into …”

And off we meandered into the familiar trans activist talking points where so many Labour frontbenchers appear to feel most comfortable: “… my view in life is to give respect and dignity to everyone, whatever their position. And I was worried at the time, you referenced that particular debate [when Rosie Duffield stated biological facts], by the way in which the debate was being conducted, because it got very toxic, very divided, very hard line …”

In the interests of full transparency, I should say that Rosie Duffield’s a friend of mine. We’d probably have been friends no matter where or how we’d met, but we found each other as part of a group of women fighting to retain women’s rights.

She and I share more than the occasional meal and a fairly sweary WhatsApp thread. Last month, a man received a suspended prison sentence for sending both of us death threats. Rosie was to be taken out with a gun; I was to be beaten to death with a hammer. The level of threats Rosie has received is such that she’s had to hire personal security and was recently advised not to conduct in-person hustings.

Is this what Starmer meant, when he talked about toxic, divided debate? A female MP in his own party being intimidated and harassed? Or was he referencing the activists in black masks who turn up at women’s demonstrations with the declared intention of punching “Terfs”, an intention that has more than once translated into action? Was he perhaps thinking of the trans activists who sang “f*** you” over a microphone as women from all over the world queued outside FiLia, the feminist conference, to discuss issues like female genital mutilation? It didn’t seem so.

The impression given by Starmer at Thursday’s debate was that there had been something unkind, something toxic, something hard line in Rosie’s words, even though almost identical words had sounded perfectly reasonable when spoken by Blair.

It seems Rosie has received literally no support from Starmer over the threats and abuse, some of which has originated from within the Labour Party itself, and has had a severe, measurable impact on her life.

But she fights on, like all the women at the book launch, because she feels she has no choice. Like me, she believes the stakes are too high to walk away.

For left-leaning women like us, this isn’t, and never has been, about trans people enjoying the rights of every other citizen, and being free to present and identify however they wish.

This is about the right of women and girls to assert their boundaries. It’s about freedom of speech and observable truth. It’s about waiting, with dwindling hope, for the left to wake up to the fact that its lazy embrace of a quasi-religious ideology is having calamitous consequences.

Two hours before I watched Starmer fail, yet again, to get off the fence he’s so reluctant to stop straddling, I met the woman who wrote what I think all contributors would agree is the most important chapter in The Women Who Wouldn’t Wheesht. It’s called A Hashtag is Born. The writer coined the phrase “women won’t wheesht”, which has now been taken up as a feminist battle cry in Scotland and beyond.

She wrote anonymously about being smeared as a bigot and a transphobe for wanting female-only intimate care for her beautiful learning-disabled daughter (I know her daughter’s beautiful, because I met her, too). In part, this mother wrote: “The material reality of a man is not changed by how he perceives himself, and telling vulnerable women and girls to ignore their own discomfort to accommodate a man’s perception of himself, is gaslighting.”

I cannot vote for any politician who takes issue with that mother’s words.

If you choose to prevaricate and patronise rather than address her concerns, if you continue to insist that the most vulnerable must embrace your luxury beliefs, no matter the cost to themselves, I don’t trust your judgment and I have a poor opinion of your character.

An independent candidate is standing in my constituency who’s campaigning to clarify the Equality Act.

Perhaps that’s where my X will have to go on July 4. As long as Labour remains dismissive and often offensive towards women fighting to retain the rights their foremothers thought were won for all time, I’ll struggle to support them. The women who wouldn’t wheesht didn’t leave Labour. Labour abandoned them.


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Statement for the launch of “The Women Who Wouldn’t Wheesht”

Index ID: SWWWW — Publication date: June 5th, 2024

Note: This statement was read by Scottish poet Magi Gibson during the virtual launch event of the book "The Women Who Wouldn’t Wheesht".

I’m so sorry I can’t be with you tonight, but I’m very definitely there in spirit. As I’ve already said publicly, I’m immensely proud to be counted among the women in this book. Many of my fellow contributors had already risked their livelihoods and reputations before I spoke out and their courage remains my inspiration. Our opponents in the battle to protect women’s rights tend to operate on the divide and conquer principle. Every woman speaking out in the current climate will be familiar with the attempts to cast her as a lone outcast voice, or at best, part of an eccentric fringe of society. But we know differently. And speaking personally, I have the letters and emails to prove it. This book is the best evidence so far of the breadth of women’s solidarity and the effectiveness of grassroots action. No matter the threats and abuse, I’ve never regretted outing myself as gender critical. My fellow contributors and I have all been through trial by fire and emerged stronger and more united. Truly, we are the witches they can’t burn. The Campaign for Women’s Sex-Based Rights has always been and always will be one of the causes of my life. May the women who wouldn’t wheesht continue to stand as an example to our daughters and a warning to misogynists everywhere of what happens when you piss off Scottish women. May we never hod. Thank you very much.


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Contribution: Why I decided to stand up for women

Index ID: WISUW — Publication date: May 30th, 2024

Note: Contribution for the book "The Women Who Wouldn’t Wheesht" published by Constable (Little, Brown Book Group). It was also published by The Times on May 29th, 2024, one day before the publication, to promote the book.
Only the beginning of this text can be displayed here for research purposes. I apologize!

By the standards of my world, I was a heretic. I’d come to believe that the socio-political movement insisting “trans women are women” was neither kind nor tolerant, but in fact profoundly misogynistic, regressive, dangerous in some of its objectives and nakedly authoritarian in its tactics.


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Statement from J.K. Rowling, 14th March 2024

Index ID: SJKR14M — Publication date: March 14th, 2024

Note: Published on JK Rowling's official website.

While I’m used to the gross distraction techniques used by the more extreme faction of trans activism, the claim that I am a holocaust denier is baseless and disgusting. As can be easily seen from my own Twitter (X) account, I have always been a staunch supporter of the Jewish community and have spoken out consistently and repeatedly against antisemitism. I’m familiar with such activists’ assertions that transgender people have been uniquely persecuted and oppressed throughout history, but claims that trans people were ‘the first targets’ of the Nazis – a claim I refuted on X, and which led to these accusations – and that I ‘uphold [Nazi] ideology around gender’ is a new low.


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Sturgeon is deaf to women’s concerns over gender ID

Index ID: STDEAF — Publication date: October 15th, 2022

Note: Published on The Times website on October 15th: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/jk-rowling-nicola-sturgeon-is-deaf-to-women-s-concerns-over-gender-id-tn03x6gjv

Just over a week ago, I posted a picture of myself wearing a T-shirt printed with the words “Nicola Sturgeon: Destroyer of Women’s Rights” on Twitter. I did this to show my solidarity with women who were protesting outside the Scottish parliament against the proposed Gender Recognition Act reform bill.

Some of the women, like Maya Forstater and Helen Joyce, have public profiles, but most of the women protesting do not. They also knew they might be taking a risk in demonstrating. It takes guts for Scottish women to stand up for their rights these days — not, I should emphasise, anywhere near the same guts as Iranian women are currently displaying, but guts nonetheless. They risk being targeted by activists, police complaints being made against them and even the threat of a spell in jail for posting what are seen as “transphobic” comments or images by their complainants.

Scotland’s first minister, Nicola Sturgeon, believes the protesters outside parliament on October 6 have nothing to complain about. The woman who calls herself a “real feminist” said to the BBC that her proposed new Gender Recognition Act “doesn’t give any additional rights to trans people nor does it take any rights away from women”.

I disagree. So, to name just a few who were also protesting that day, do Rhona Hotchkiss, the retired prison governor with a masters in law and a qualification in research methodology; Isabelle Kerr, former manager of Glasgow and Clyde Rape Crisis Centre, who was awarded an MBE for her international work helping rape and sexual assault victims; all-female independent policy analysis collective Murray Blackburn Mackenzie; and For Women Scotland, a grassroots feminist group that has emerged as a leading voice for Scottish women over the past few years.

If Sturgeon’s new act passes into law, a person will be able to change their legal gender as long as they’ve lived in their acquired gender for three months, and made a statutory declaration that they intend to keep doing so. Remarkably, nobody seems able to explain what living in an acquired gender actually means, so how those granting certificates can judge whether the criteria has been met is anyone’s guess.

Under the current act, those who wish to change their gender need a diagnosis of gender dysphoria, ie, persistent distress and discomfort with their natal sex. However, all medical gatekeeping has been removed from Sturgeon’s revised bill. I presume this is in response to the strong push from the trans activist lobby to “depathologise” trans identities. The argument is that trans people aren’t mentally ill: being trans is as natural as being gay. As Rachel Cohen, campaigns director of Stonewall wrote in 2017: “Being trans is not about ‘sex changes’ or clothes, it’s about an innate sense of self.” You may ask how anyone can assess the authenticity of somebody else’s “innate sense of self”. I haven’t a clue.

Soon, then, in Scotland, it may be easier to change the sex on your birth certificate than it is to change it on your passport. In consequence, intact males who are judged to have met the meagre requirements will be considered as “valid” and entitled to protections as those who’ve had full sex reassignment surgery, and more male-bodied individuals will assert more strongly a right to be in women’s spaces such as public bathrooms, changing rooms, rape support centres, domestic violence refuges, hospital wards and prison cells that were hitherto reserved for women.

In 2019, The Sunday Times made a freedom of information request to the Ministry of Justice that revealed almost 90 per cent of sexual offences committed in changing rooms happened in those that are unisex. Nevertheless, Sturgeon loftily dismisses anyone who fears her new legislation could be wide open to abuse. “It is men who attack women [feminists should worry about] and we need to focus on that, not on further stigmatising and discriminating against a tiny group in our society that is already one of the most stigmatised.”

In saying this, Sturgeon is employing no fewer than three arguments beloved of trans activists.

The first is that trans women are extremely vulnerable, far more so than biological women. This is in spite of the fact that no trans woman has been murdered in Scotland to date, whereas 112 women were murdered by men in Scotland between 2009 and 2019.

The second argument is that men who transition, uniquely among all other categories of those born male, never harm women. Yet there is no evidence to show that trans women don’t retain male patterns of criminality. According to Jo Phoenix, professor of criminology at the University of Reading: “Sex is the single strongest predictor of criminality and criminalisation. Since criminal statistics were first collected (in the mid 1850s) males make up around 80 per cent of those arrested, prosecuted and convicted of crime. Violent crime is mostly committed by males . . . This remains the case regardless of stated gender identity.” The Ministry of Justice’s own figures show that there are proportionately more trans-identified men in prison for sexual offences than among incarcerated males taken as a whole.

The third argument Sturgeon uses is that it’s transphobic to suggest any man would fraudulently claim a female identity. This claim is extraordinary. Nobody but the very naive can fail to be aware that predatory men are capable of going to great lengths to gain easy access to victims, and have often sought out professions or special status that offer camouflage for their activities. Sex offenders have historically been found among social workers, teachers, priests, doctors, babysitters, school caretakers, celebrities and charity fundraisers, yet no matter how often the scandals break, the lesson appears never to be learned: it is dangerous to assert that any category of people deserves a blanket presumption of innocence. Incidentally, it seems that prison is the perfect space in which to discover your innate sense of self: half of Scottish prisoners currently claiming a trans identity only did so after conviction.

This shouldn’t need saying, but in the current climate, it does: literally no feminist I’ve ever met claims all trans women are predators, any more than we believe that all men are predators. As I’ve already stated publicly, I believe that some trans people are truly vulnerable. That, though, is not the point.

I’ve spent much of the past 25 years campaigning for and funding initiatives to help women and children. These have included projects for female prisoners, campaigns for the rights of single mothers, the funding of safe spaces for victims of rape and male violence, and the fight to end child institutionalisation. I’ve also learned a huge amount about safeguarding from experts, both in relation to vulnerable children placed in institutions, who’re often abused or trafficked, and in the context of sexually abused women.

I say all this to make it clear that concern for women’s and children’s safety isn’t something I’m pretending to be interested in to mask a deep hostility to trans people. The question for me and all the feminists I know is, how do we make trans people safe without making women and girls less safe?

One of the most damning things I’ve heard about the consultation process for Sturgeon’s new bill is this: Murray Blackburn Mackenzie identified five female survivors of male violence who were prepared to meet with the committee and explain what had happened to them, the severe impact it had upon their lives, and why they fear the government is making it easier for violent or predatory men to get access to women and girls. The committee declined to meet the survivors, telling them to put their concerns in writing. Susan Smith, one of For Women Scotland’s founders, told me: “These women were prepared to parade their trauma and were rebuffed.” The committee did, however, find time to meet 17 trans-identified individuals.

In 1983 Andrea Dworkin wrote: “No matter how often these stories are told, with whatever clarity or eloquence, bitterness or sorrow, they might as well have been whispered in wind or written in sand: they disappear, as if they were nothing. The tellers and the stories are ignored or ridiculed, threatened back into silence or destroyed, and the experience of female suffering is buried in cultural invisibility and contempt . . . the very reality of abuse sustained by women, despite its overwhelming pervasiveness and constancy, is negated.”

Nearly 40 years later, Rhona Hotchkiss says that vulnerable women in Scotland are being told “their concerns, their fears, their despair, must take second place to the feelings of men who identify as women. Politicians who say there is no clash of rights have no idea about the lives of women in situations they will never face.”

Rarely in politics is it easy to draw a direct line from a single policy decision to the harm it’s done, but in this case, it will be simple. If any woman or girl suffers voyeurism, sexual harassment, assault or rape in consequence of the Scottish government’s lax new rules, the blame will rest squarely with those at Holyrood who ignored safeguarding experts and women’s campaigners.

And nobody should be held to higher account than the first minister, the “real feminist” who’s riding roughshod over the rights of women and girls.


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Statement to The Times

Index ID: STT — Publication date: August 16th, 2022

Note: The Times published some quotes from this statement on their edition of August 16th, 2022: https://archive.is/Tmqgp

The last few years have seen an escalation of bullying of female authors both inside and outside publishing in the UK. Rachel Rooney and Gillian Phillips in particular have suffered severe personal and professional harm because they dared challenge a fashionable ideology which has been remarkably successful in demonising those who protest against the current attack on women’s rights.

On Saturday, Joanne Harris, Chair of the Society of Author’s Management Committee, responded to a Twitter user who asked whether she had ‘expressed sympathy to JK Rowling’, ‘yes, and to everyone in a similar position.’ I was startled to read this, as I’ve received no communication whatsoever from Harris expressing sympathy for the death and rape threats I’ve received. I was less surprised to learn that Katharine Quarmby urged the society to condemn these threats in 2020 and 2021 and nothing was done.

Harris has consistently failed to criticise tactics designed to silence and intimidate women who fail to support her personal position on gender identity ideology and has said publicly, ‘Cancel isn’t a dirty word. We habitually cancel things we no longer want’. I find it impossible to square the Society’s stated position on freedom of speech with Harris’s public statements over the past two years and stand in solidarity with all female writers in the UK who currently feel betrayed by their professional body and its leader.


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Children trapped in orphanages are the hidden victims of the war in Ukraine

Index ID: CHUKR — Publication date: March 25th, 2022

Like everyone right now, I wake up each morning shocked and dismayed by the horror of the war in Ukraine and the humanitarian crisis unfolding in front of our very eyes. Lumos, the children’s charity I founded fifteen years ago has been working with the Ukrainian government since 2013 to help transform the institutional care system there, which before the war housed 100,000 children – the highest number in Europe.

Lumos launched a fundraising appeal the day after the invasion and I’m so grateful to those who have donated so far. I’m matching donations up to £1m and the money raised will go directly to helping the thousands of children trapped by the fighting in Ukraine’s orphanages, unable to leave due to disability or lack of available family care. The conditions these children are facing are unimaginable, compounding the already present trauma of being confined to an institution in the first place.

As soon as the invasion began, the Ukrainian authorities prioritised evacuating as many children as possible from residential care, especially from institutions close to the front line of the conflict. This resulted in some children being placed back with their families of origin without the usual careful reintegration processor – where this was not possible – children were placed in emergency foster care. Other children have been moved to other institutions in Ukraine or have even been relocated to other countries.

But inevitably some children have been left behind in residential institutions, often because they have such profound and complex disabilities, it was not safe to quickly move them or to find appropriate family-based placements. Not only are these children at risk of being caught up in the war, but there are serious concerns they are also suffering from neglect due to staffing shortages and a lack of food and other essential resources.

Currently, Lumos is working directly with the Ukrainian authorities to help the most vulnerable children: those remaining in residential care; those placed in emergency foster care; those rapidly returned home to families without the right support in place; those living in families in vulnerable situations; and displaced children. The funds being donated to Lumos’ Ukraine Appeal are:

  • Providing emergency food, hygiene and medicine kits
  • Supporting the relocation of vulnerable children and ensure their care and protection
  • Providing psychological support to parents, caregivers and children
  • Supporting foster carers and emergency foster carers taking in children from orphanages

Lumos is also providing direct support to the authorities to help them improve monitoring of child protection risks and gaps. Lumos is deeply concerned that there is no centralised information management system to keep track of the whereabouts, safety and well-being of the 100,000 children from institutions. This creates immense child protection risks. Sometimes family members are not even informed about cross-border evacuations of children, which might result in long term child-family separation and lifelong negative consequences.

As this child protection emergency worsens, the plight of the millions of child refugees grows day by day. It’s reported to date more than 3.5m refugees have fled Ukraine and are crossing borders into neighbouring countries, sometimes unaccompanied. The displacement of children and family separation exposes children to all forms of neglect, abuse and puts them at risk of exploitation and trafficking and being housed in yet more institutions.

­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­50% of the refugees entering Moldova, where Lumos also operates, are children, with growing numbers of children who are unaccompanied. Lumos is actively participating in national working groups and coordinating with NGOs and other authorities to find urgent solutions to child protection issues and resource shortages, and to address longer-term needs such as education and psychological support.

Lumos will continue to work with the Ukraine authorities and partners to ensure support is available to help the most vulnerable children and their families in Ukraine, and the refugees and displaced children in the surrounding countries.

Tragically, this war has destroyed countless childhoods in a matter of weeks, torn families apart and put at further risk those extremely vulnerable children still trapped in the institutions. Lumos’ mission is to give every child the chance to grow up in a family, by building community care and family support to replace orphanages and other institutions. Every child deserves to grow up in a loving, family environment – never has this been so important as now.

You can support the Lumos Ukraine Appeal here.

1Although misrepresented as ‘orphans’, most children in institutions do have at least one living parent.


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